Impeaching Corona Part II

With 188 votes from the Congressmen, clearly this is the perfect time to do the difficult task of impeaching an impeachable officer. From the looks of it, it was more difficult to impeach Gutierrez than Corona if we only let the numbers speak. And at that, the evidence against Gutierrez are far stronger than those against Corona. Of course, it is the political context that drives all these.

This is the perfect time for the President to make everyone fall in line. How? It is not too early for the 2013 elections and not too close as well. With the popularity of the President and the budget powers vested in his office, Congressmen would surely want to be in his favor for the following reasons: 1) They'll want the President's winnable endorsement for the 2013 contest or if not, 2) They'll want the President to give them projects (pork-barrel) so that they can 'raise' funds come 2013. Yes, the President's political capital is a BIG FACTOR to create all these movements.

If this had happened after 2013, the President's influence will have surely waned. He will not be as popular as he is now. And the political game then will be defined by the 2016 elections. More than PNoy, I expect that VP Binay will have greater political influence and leverage with Congress as a Presidential candidate for 2016.

Interesting times indeed.

Impeaching Corona

It is dangerous for one branch to arrogate upon itself to reform the other branch. It is one thing to critique and another thing to mobilize resources and cross the line to ‘reform a co-equal branch.’ I believe that the excesses of the Supreme Court will be corrected by members of the Supreme Court. And this is where personalities like Justice Sereno come in.

It is another thing of course for civil society groups to mobilize and organize mass demonstrations to make the SC accountable even to the extent of impeachment. 

Hyperpresidentialism and People Power

When People Power 2 happened, I was of the opinion that this is the fall of the Presidency as an institution. I was against it, coming from a very consitutitonalist/ institutionalist perspective. I was a first year student at the Ateneo School of Law...under Fr. Bernas no less. Let it be noted though that Fr. B and the school helped mobilize support for Edsa 2. I did not attend. I was marked absent that day.

I argued in class that there is no difference between extra-constitutionalism and unconstitutionalism. But of course, Fr. B would explain otherwise, thus the justification for the school to be part of this extra-constitutional mechanism of accountability.

In hindsight, delayed at that, perhaps the evolution of people power as an accountability mechanism may be historically correct, appropriate and culturally sensitive given the kind of presidential system that the Philippines has. 

Many of the dysfunctions and abuses that arise in Philippine governance are hinged on the hyperpresidential system of the Philippines. The strong President has many powers that affect party politics and functionality of checks and balances. These are the powers of the purse (contrary to the perception that this power belongs to the legislature) and appointment. The president, once seated, seems to be beyond the reach of 'accountability'. The legislature's check/balance through impeachment is effectively counterbalanced by the pork barrel. The president seems to be 'infallible' until PEOPLE POWER. 

So maybe as a friend of mine has said, maybe we are at the point of finding that equilibrium in Philippine politics and perhaps unique only to the Philippines. Perhaps it is not a question of parliamentary form of government vs. a presidential form of government. Perhaps it is a question of what kind of presidential form of government will work for us. And perhaps given the hyperpresidential system that we have, the matching balance is the people power which makes the President more vulnerable (not beyond reach) and directly accessible by the people. 

Hyperpresidentialism and people power are uniquely Filipino. Taken separately, these concepts are viewed 'bad' but perhaps present themselves as opportunities for change if taken together. A strong president may just be needed to change elitist politics engendered in party politics - we know that parties are still captured by the elites albeit more professionalized. But we'd want a strong president that roots his loyalty to the people (not populist but people-centered). The hyperpresidential-people power formula may just be what will work for us.

Again, we are still finding that political-accountability equilibrium. There will be shifts - small and large. This is an exciting time to see the shifts and towards what direction. Interesting times.